Pakistan is a paradigm example of a failed state that has undergone an extremely dangerous form of radical Islamisation.
The Congress Resigns
The Congress victory in the 1937 election and the consequent formation of
popular ministries changed the balance of power within the country vis-a-vis the
colonial authorities. The stage seemed to be set for another resurgence of the
nationalist movement. Just at this time, the Congress had to undergo a crisis at
the top an occurrence that plagued the Congress every few years.
Subhash Bose had been a unanimous choice as the President of the Congress in
1938. In 1939, he decided to stand again - this time as the spokesperson of
militant politics and radical groups. Putting forward his candidature on 21
January 1939, Bose said that he represented the 'new ideas, ideologies, problems
and programmes' that had emerged with 'the progressive sharpening of the
anti-imperialist struggle in India.' The presidential elections, he said, should
be fought among different candidates 'on the basis of definite problems and
programmes.'
On 24 January, Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, J.B. Kripalani and four other
members of the Congress Working Committee issued a counter statement, declaring
that the talk of ideologies, programmes and policies was irrelevant in the
elections of a Congress president since these were evolved by the various
Congress bodies such as the AICC and the Working Committee, and that the
position of the Congress President was like that of a constitutional head who
represented and symbolized the unity and solidarity of the nation. With the
blessings of Gandhiji, these and other leaders put up Pattabhi Sitaramayya as a
candidate for the post. Subhas Bose was elected on 29th January by 1580 votes
against 1377. Gandhiji declared that 'Pattabhi's defeat is my defeat'.
The line of propaganda adopted by Bose against Sardar Patel and the majority
of the top Congress leadership whom he branded as rightists. He openly accused
them of working for a compromise with the Government on the question of
federation. The Congress leaders, labeled as compromisers, resented such charges
and branded them as a slander. After Subhash's election, they felt that they
could not work with a President who had publicly cast aspersions on their
nationalist bonafides. Jawaharlal Nehru did not resign along with the other
twelve working committee members. He did not like the idea of confronting Bose
publicly. But he did not agree with Bose either.
Subhash Bose believed that the Congress was strong enough to launch an
immediate struggle and that the masses were ready for such struggle. He was
convinced, as he wrote later, 'that the country was internally more ripe for a
revolution than ever before and that the coming international crisis would give
India an opportunity for achieving her emancipation, which is rare in human
history.'
He, therefore, argued in his Presidential address in Tripuri for a programme
of immediately giving the British Government a six-months ultimatum to grant the
national demand of independence and of launching a mass civil disobedience
movement if it failed to do so. Gandhiji's perceptions were very different. The
internal strife reached its climax at the Tripuri session of the Congress, held
from 8 to 12 March 1939. Bose had completely misjudged the faith of Congressmen.
They were not willing to reject Gandhiji's leadership or that of other older
leaders who decided to bring this home to Subhash.
Bose could see no other way but to resign from the Presidentship. Nehru tried
to mediate but to no avail. Bose could also not get the support of the Congress
Socialists and the Communists at Tripuri or after.
At the outbreak of the World War II, the Viceroy proclaimed India's
involvement without prior consultations with the main political parties. When
Congress demanded an immediate transfer of power in return for cooperation of
the war efforts, the British government refused. As a result Congress resigned
from power.
